61 - Origin - Morocco
2023 No 61
Cain said to the LORD, “My punishment is too great to bear! Behold, You have driven me this day from the face of the ground; and from Your face I will be hidden, and I will be a vagrant and a wanderer on the earth, and whoever finds me will kill me.”
—Genesis 4:13-14
As we have considered the Western Migration Route (WMR), and the Atlantic Route (AR), the focus of our attention has been on sub-Saharan migrants transiting through Morocco on their way to mainland Spain or the Canary Islands.1 At multiple points along the way, we have mentioned that they are often making their attempts alongside Moroccans. To date, we have yet to attempt to explain the reasons for this, lest we stray from our focus. The time has come, perhaps, to provide a better context for why the people of Morocco are seeking to emigrate in such large numbers.
Why Moroccans Migrate
Morocco is no stranger to migration. In North Africa, Morocco is second only to Egypt in the number of her citizens living abroad.3 Her population in 2022 was slightly over 38 million, with 5 million living outside the country. That is nearly 13% of her people. The vast majority live in Europe (90.6%), mainly in France (35.4%), Spain (19.9%), and Italy (14.4%).4 This includes those who migrated illegally over the years and became European citizens. Between 1981 and 2012, nearly half a million Moroccans were regularized in Belgium, France, Italy, and Spain. Since then, according to official statistics, around 35,000 undocumented Moroccans have been found in the EU. There are likely much more.
Their reasons for being there are obvious… to find work. As in most countries, there are several economic classes across Morocco. The very rich comprise 2-3% of the population. The very poor, those who live on less than $2.00 per day, stand at around 10%. The remainder range from poor to middle class. If one were to use the economic standard of owning a car as "middle class," then 38% of Moroccan families fit into this category.5 That leaves about half of the population above the "abject poverty line" but far from a comfortable life. It is from this pool that most of the current emigration occurs.
During the recent pandemic, life became very difficult for many Moroccans.6 We were in Morocco during this season, and we watched as vendors had to sell their inventory at reduced rates to maintain the rent on their boutiques. Owners of Calèches, horse-drawn carriages, were forced to sell their horses because they could not afford to feed them. The tourism industry went nearly bankrupt. Border closures in 2020 and the spring of 2021 created severe economic distress for many Moroccans. Before it was over, half of Moroccan businesses were closed.7 Many would not reopen.
A recent study revealed a third of Moroccans have thought about leaving the country, with 13% saying that they have given that thought serious consideration. If they were given a choice, most would choose Europe.8 Why? Because, as in sub-Saharan Africa, most know someone currently living in Europe and has been successful. It is essential to recognize that in 2021, Morocco received $9.3 billion in remittances.9 That equates to nearly 5% of the total Moroccan GPD!10 With so much “success” on the line, it is no wonder that nearly half of those who desire to migrate to Europe would do so to find a job.11
How Moroccans Migrate
Marriage:
There are many pathways into Europe, most of which are legal. One means is through marriage. In Europe, if one is a legal resident, one can invite their immediate family to join them. This means that if a young migrant (in Europe) can marry a girl in Morocco, she and her family can join him. This gives rise to a pattern of "arranged" marriages established simply as a means of entry.12 This, of course, creates opportunities for others to take advantage of Moroccan families. In some cases, Europeans agreed to marry a Moroccan for a fee, sometimes as high as four thousand euros, and disappeared once the money was received.13
Children:
Another pathway is to use children to create opportunities for movement. It is what is often called "chain migration."14 Here, families in Morocco will send their children to Europe… along legal pathways… and leave them there. By doing so, the child cannot be repatriated under EU law. Once the child has legal status, the parents can then join them.15 This, of course, creates an incentive for minors to travel to Europe on their own. To put this into perspective, of the 23,029 illegal immigrants who arrived in Spain in 2020, 2,629 were children, nearly half of whom were Moroccan.16
Straits of Gibraltar:
Of course, not everyone can go to Europe legally. One of the consequences of the massive movements via the Canaries in 2005-6, and the European migration crisis of 2015, was that most of the “easy” ways of entry were eliminated. For economic reasons, Morocco has invested heavily in European trade agreements. This has forced governmental policies to balance the relations between the two continents, challenging Morocco's emigration practices. This means getting a visa to Spain today is more challenging than in the past.17 Visas are expensive, particularly those that grant a right to work. Most migrants report that they have tried every legal means at their disposal and have failed.18
The preferred “illegal” route is directly to the Spanish peninsula. Crossing by boat across the Straits of Gibraltar is often facilitated by Moroccan fishermen. They can carry their countrymen across, land them on Spanish beaches, and return within one night. Those without such connections must use smuggling networks. As we have shown in other posts, those routes are expensive. Remember that these migrants are not the poorest of the poor. Neither are they upper middle class with cars. As with their sub-Saharan counterparts, they fall in the middle and must often sell their possessions or put their family in debt to make the attempt.
Spanish Enclaves:
One might think that Moroccan adults could go to the Spanish territories of Ceuta or Melilla, but such is not the case. It is not that they cannot enter, but rather they cannot stay. Agreements between the two countries are such that anyone in these cities illegally can be immediately repatriated to Morocco. The exception to this is unaccompanied minors who are claiming asylum. It sounds good, but the asylum rules are specific, making refugee status difficult for most Moroccans. How could they possibly be in danger in Morocco? There are ways to make this case.
First, young girls can claim asylum if they have been betrothed without consent.19 Both boys and girls can claim asylum if they are being persecuted, say for converting away from Islam.20 And then, these young people can claim asylum if they are being persecuted for sexual orientation.21 As such, we have found significant numbers of minors in both Ceuta and Melilla. Most are caught in a sort of legal limbo. Spain will not accept them until their application for asylum has been granted. That can take several years. If, during that time, they become adults, then they can be pushed back into Morocco. Currently, as many as 1,350 minors live in these two enclaves.22
Trafficking:
There is another driver of migration found in Morocco. It is in the illegal drug market. Morocco is one of the largest producers of cannabis resin, and their primary consumer is Europe. It is estimated that the value of the cannabis market is over 12.5 billion US dollars. This market is managed by Moroccan and European criminal syndicates, some of which are quite sophisticated.24 Since Spain is the primary receiver of this resin, it is reasonable to assume that human trafficking is in place, similar to that of Italy.25 Human cargos, primarily women, often accompany drugs as they are transported into Spain. From there, they are handed off for work in the sex industry.26
Atlantic Route:
As we have seen, not everyone can go to Spain directly. This helps to explain why the Atlantic Route has become more popular among Moroccans. Moroccan fishing villages are scattered along the Western Atlantic coastline. In the past, Moroccans could board these fishing vessels for a small price and be delivered very close to the Canary Islands. In those days, the Moroccan coast guard did not search their own ships, and when they did, the consequences were mild. Such is different today, and the risk for a fisherman is too high. Today, however, it is not uncommon for a group of Moroccans to buy a boat, provision it themselves, and then make the journey across.
Army Posts Along Moroccan Coast Near Tan Tan
The only difficulty in this approach is to get past the Coast Guard. Along the coast, there are outlooks every two miles. Border patrols watch the seas, particularly at convenient launch locations. To get past them, money must often be paid. If they are caught in open water, the fees go up. The price is typically $5,000 and must be paid by everyone in the boat.27 As such, it makes more sense to work with a smuggler, a “coaxer" who has access to the "right people" in the "right places." Because many of those watching and patrolling the coastline live in local cities, there is always “someone” who knows "someone" who knows "someone."
Conclusion:
Although our focus is on sub-Saharan migration, we can't do this level of research without encountering Moroccans on the Western Migration Route and the Atlantic Route. My heart still aches for a group of young boys living in the sea-break on the enclave of Ceuta. They were stranded, having made their homes in the rocks. We took them food, clean water, and a few clothes. They were grateful.
One young man shared his story with us. He wanted to go to Spain but could not find a way across. He had spent months in one of the ports, hoping to stow away on a ferry. He had actually spent two days in the water, looking for ways to climb aboard a certain ship headed across. When that failed, he crossed into Ceuta, paying a Moroccan to say he was his son. Once there, he claimed asylum by saying he was a homosexual. Using that cover, he could say that his family had kicked him out of his home and that those in the community wanted to kill him. He had heard on social media that this might work.
The challenge was that once he had made that claim, he truly was in danger back in Morocco. His application had been in process for over two years. As he approached his 18th birthday, he was at risk of being expelled from the territory… back to Morocco. In the end, he indeed was desperate. By then, he wanted to go home but did not know how. Like Cain, this young man had made bad choices, and the consequences were more than he knew how to bear.
1 Mitch Hamilton, "The Historical Context of Morocco", M2M3 https://m2m3.org/42-historical-context-of-morocco/ (accessed April j5, 2023).
2 Edna Mohamed, "Explained: Melilla, Ceuta, and the Western Mediterranean Migration Route", Middle East Eye https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/morocco-spain-melilla-ceuta-western-mediterranean-migration-route-explained (accessed May 2, 2023).
3 Marie McAuliff and Binod Khadria, World Migration Report 2020 (Geneva: International Organization for Migration, 2019), 57.
4 IOM, Migration in West and North Africa and Across the Mediterranean: Trends, Risks, Development, and Governance (Geneva, 2020), 9. See also Dilip Ratha and others, Recovery: Covid-19 Crisis Through a Migration Lense (Washington DC: KNOMAD-World Bank, 2021), 49.
5 Mahamoud Arbouch and Uri Dadush, Measuring the Middle Class in the World and in Morocco (Rabat, 2019), 12.
6 Kraft – The Impact of Covid-19 on Middle Eastern and North African Labor Markets.
7 United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (2020) Covid-19 Crisis in North Africa: The Impact and Mitigation Responses.
8 Josephine Appiah-Nyamekye and MHammed Abderebbi, Jobs Loom Large in Moroccans’ Attitudes Toward in-and-out Migration (2019), 2.
9 Ratha and others, 49.
10 M. McAuliff; A. Triandafylidou, World Migration Report 2022 (Geneva: International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2021), 72.
11 Appiah-Nyamekye and Abderebbi, 2.
12 See European Commission, Many More to Come? Migration From and Within Africa (Luxemburg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2018), 15. Remember that arranged marriages are not uncommon in Morocco and are a part of the social fabric. They are often for cultural reasons, so adding migration to the mix would be somewhat expected.
13 UNODC, Northwest African (Atlantic) Route: Migrant Smuggling from the Northwest African Coast to the Canary Islands (Vienna, 2022), 10.
14 European Commission, "Chain Migration", Migration and Home Affairs https://home-affairs.ec.europa.eu/networks/european-migration-network-emn/emn-asylum-and-migration-glossary/glossary/chain-migration_en (accessed April 13, 2023).
15 Arezo Malakooti; Chiara Fall, Migration Trends Across the Mediterranean: Piecing Together the Shifting Dynamics (Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime (GI-TOC), 2020), 34.
16 Ibid., 7. See also UNODC, 40. According to this citation, “Observatory", calculations are based on data provided by the Regional Government of the Canary Islands, Spain and UNICEF. According to the Regional Government of the Canaries, 23,271 people arrived in 2020, of whom 5,579 were women and children. According to UNICEF Spain (2021), 2,629 children arrived in the Canary Islands in 2020, both accompanied and unaccompanied. In November 2019, 432 unaccompanied and separated children were registered in the Spanish reception system.”
17 Fall, 31.
18 UNODC, 14.
19 Sen Prarthana, "The Forced Displacement of Moroccan Children: Case Study on Spanish Enclaves", Refugee Law Initiative https://rli.blogs.sas.ac.uk/2022/01/28/the-forced-displacement-of-moroccan-children-case-study-on-spanish-enclaves/ (accessed April 13, 2023).
20 See Amnesty International, Spain, and Morocco: Failure to Protect the Rights of Migrants (London: Amnesty International, 2006).
21 UNHCR, Refugees and Migrants Arriving in Spain (Madrid, 2019), 16.
22 Lorena Gazzotti, "Unaccompanied and Separated Children: Patterns of Child Migration Are Changing at the Southern Spanish Border", Statewatch https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2023/unaccompanied-and-separated-children-patterns-of-child-migration-are-changing-at-the-southern-spanish-border/ (accessed April 13, 2023).
23 Raouf Farrah and Tasnim Abderrahim, "Drug Trafficking / A Leap Into the Unknown: Morocco’s Regularisation of Cannabis Production", ENACT https://enactafrica.org/enact-observer/a-leap-into-the-unknown-moroccos-regularisation-of-cannabis-production (accessed May 2, 2023).
24 INTERPOL, Overview of Serious and Organized Crime in North Africa (Lyon, France: INTERPOL, 2018), 8.
25 Mitch Hamilton, "34 - Drug Runners", M2M3 https://m2m3.org/34-drug-runners/ (accessed April 13, 2023).
26 Annie Kelly, "Prostitution Is Seen as a Leisure Activity Here: Tackling Spain’s Sex Traffickers", Guardian https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2019/may/11/prostitution-tackling-spain-sex-traffickers (accessed March 22, 2022). It is hard to estimate the impact of human trafficking in Spain. Remember that the value of remittances to Morocco is 9.3 billion USD, and the value of the drug trade to the EU is 12.5 billion USD. But if this article is correct, then the value of the sex industry in Spain is double that, at 26.5 billion USD
27 Fall, 47.