41 - Historical Context of West Africa
2022 No 41
Those who sow in tears shall reap with joyful shouting. He who goes to and fro weeping, carrying his bag of seed, shall indeed come again with a shout of joy, bringing his sheaves with him.
—Psalm 126:5-6
Our study of migration has taken us to several exotic locations. We have spent the past three years living in Morocco. This country lies on the northwestern coast of the African continent and has become a significant transition point for sub-Saharan Africans seeking passage to Europe. Most make their way through the desert of Algeria or along the coastal highway of Mauritania. A few will come along the southern shores of the Mediterranean from Libya. All are hoping for an opportunity to make their way to Spain. Their dream is a harvest, so to speak, that will provide for their families and their communities.
These migrants arrive in Morocco with high expectations but often in desperate situations. It is not uncommon to see men and women begging on street corners of almost every major city. They live in abandoned houses, substandard apartments, and, at times, makeshift shacks in the countryside. Many of these migrants will seek transit to Spain across the Straits of Gibraltar. Others will pay for a seat in a boat to the Canary Islands. Still, others will rush the fences at the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta or Melilla. Some will be successful, but the majority will not. Those who fail will often seek to find a way to fund a second or perhaps even a third attempt. Unfortunately, many will perish along the way.
We have found that the migrants on the Western Mediterranean Route (WMR) differ from those on the Central Mediterranean Route(CMR), and it goes beyond a destination of Spain vs. Italy. Often they come from different economic backgrounds, follow different pathways, and have different objectives. We have also found that the churches along the WMR must approach ministry to the migrants differently. Whereas most people on the CMR are moving through clandestine pathways, the percentage of legal migrants living in Morocco is significantly higher. This creates a situation where Christian legal migrants have the freedom to minister to illegal migrants... and are consequently better positioned to influence their lives with the gospel. However, to understand all these differences, one must take a closer look at the context of their place of origin.
West Africa
Undoubtedly, West Africa serves as a primary point of origin for those seeking European destinations. Those from the interior countries (Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Northern Nigeria) tend to have less money and fewer relational contacts in their desired places of destination. As such, they become prime candidates for the Central Route (CMR). Such is certainly not exclusive, as many from the coastal regions will also cross the desert into Libya. But, as noted in previous posts, the political climate for the ultimate Mediterranean crossing can change quickly, at times making the CMR much less of a viable option. Remember, water always flows down the path of the least resistance. If it becomes easier or cheaper to get to Europe via Spain rather than Italy, the flows will move in that direction.
At the onset, the Western Route (WMR) is much shorter and will traverse more hospitable regions than the CMR. Tracing the routes, the only way to Italy is through Libya. And the only way to Libya is through the desert at the hands of multiple agents. As we have witnessed, this is a rough way to go, and much is to be lost in this direction. In contrast, one can get to Spain via various routes. And while the desert crossing through Algeria may be every bit as harrowing as the one to Libya, individuals can also legally fly or take a bus to Morocco. From there, they can find multiple pathways to Spain. But… the journey is often more expensive than the CMR, and the "agents" who can make it happen are harder to find and much more selective.
Like most movements, there is a history that underlies the modern story. Migration is certainly not new to the region. For the past two millennia, West Africans have followed the coastline to the North to trade goods, reinforce religious connections, and even send their children to school. Most of that time, there were no borders or controls on movement. The land was divided only by ethnic boundaries, and the movements of people and goods benefited all. It was not until the arrival of the Europeans in the 16th century that things began to change dramatically. Colonial powers brought territorial restrictions, national boundaries, and Western economic practices. These changes would affect how people moved and their motivations for those movements.1
For a small number of Africans, opportunities for international migration came with these colonial relations. During the days of the French occupation of Senegal and parts of Mali, Soninke mariners would work the boats along the Senegal River. As continental trade developed, they served on merchant ships between St. Louis and Marseille. As a francophone country, post-war reconstruction efforts in the early 20th century led many from Senegal to find work in Paris. Once established, community and religious networks created pathways for many to follow in their footsteps.²
Fast forward to the 1960s, and we find that many West African countries were finding freedom from colonial rule. National independence returned control to the individual countries, but they were now forced to function, if not survive, in a global non-African economy. In the past, the poor could find sustenance in an agrarian or pastoral lifestyle, trading their produce for the things they needed. As monetization replaced the barter system, finding work to pay taxes and care for the family became necessary. Consequently, many would seek jobs outside their communities of origin.3
Case in Point: Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast)
As one might imagine, countries along the coast could maintain their economies using the ports, factories, and farms established by their former European overseers.4 Each of these enterprises required labor to maintain, and rural Africans were always available to fill any openings. Up to the late 1990s, Côte d'Ivoire was a significant destination country. Laborers moved in large numbers from the interior regions of Mali and Burkina Faso. At one point in 1975, some 50% of all jobs were held by foreigners. For nearly a quarter of a century, this source of labor was stable and attractive to foreigners. In 1998, some 26% of the population were immigrants. Most of them were young men in the labor markets.
Since that time, however, things have changed dramatically. A series of political challenges in Côte d’Ivoire culminated in a coup d’état in 1999, which soon led to a long civil war. This consequently led to a massive exodus of laborers. In 2002, some 360,000 workers went home to Burkina Faso.5 Others, scattered by the violence, began to search for work in safer locations. As peace resumed, some of the workers returned, only in much smaller numbers. In 2017, some 2.1 million intra-African migrants lived in Côte d’Ivoire.6 That number was up to 2.5 million in 2019 but still remained less than ten percent of the total population. While the number of immigrants remains significantly prominent in the country, the statistics reveal that rural movements from other countries were pointed in different directions.
Motivations for Movement
This story can be repeated across many West African coastal regions. Urban expansion created jobs as agriculture and fishing industries were expanding in the suburbs. Consequently, migrants were attracted to large urban contexts like Dakar, Monrovia, Accra, Lomé, and Lagos. As time progressed, however, economic downturns led to fewer jobs and higher unemployment. Today's challenge is that the competition for the remaining jobs can be fierce. All these countries face rural and urban poverty, and those workers who embrace local customs and language now have the advantage. (In other words, locals get preference in employment.) Political unrest, as described above, can also change the dynamics dramatically. Youth unemployment may look low on paper for the region, hovering around 10.6%, but the reality is that most of those working are either in informal markets or are grossly underpaid. They may have jobs... but they are terrible jobs. Such can be especially true among university graduates. A quick review of African news sources reveals a wave of unrest across West Africa, particularly over labor issues.
Ultimately, the labor pool of West Africa remains high, and job opportunities are low. One should not be surprised that an overwhelming number of youths are willing to move away from home… if it would mean a reasonable income. So, where might that be? Once again, in the past, there were options in places like Libya. We have already given some attention to the movements that took many along the Central Route.
In brief, the global oil crisis of 1973 catapulted Libya into the spotlight.7 Her vast oil reserves created a need for laborers, and sub-Saharans were more than willing to accommodate. In 1993, the UN embargo of Libya may have limited Western engagement, but it also served to push another generation of SSA workers north. It only slowed in 2000 when Libyan nationals grew weary of losing jobs to undocumented workers, and violence erupted. Discontent continued to build until factions overthrew the government and Muammar Gaddafi was killed in 2011. The ensuing "Arab Spring" ended the economic boom for sub-Saharan migrants, and as happened in Côte d'Ivoire, hundreds of thousands began searching for new opportunities.8
To maintain a proper balance in the conversation, we must recognize that much of the above conversation centered around legal migration. Most of these laborers did not break any laws, did not use smugglers to cross borders, and moved voluntarily. In those days, one could easily take a bus to Côte d'Ivoire or Libya. In the same way that students may take advantage of a scholarship to attend a foreign university, most African movements were, and are, simply individuals going as far as their resources and opportunities will carry them. Those who are very poor do not go far. Those with significant resources and relationships can go almost anywhere they desire. Those in the middle make do with what they have.
Why North Africa?
Our previous description of the Central Mediterranean Route focused primarily on those from interior countries like Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, and Northern Nigeria. From these points of origin, one can depart directly toward Libya. But as we have mentioned, they cannot make this journey alone. It requires using an "agent," or in their terms, a “passeur." 9 The cost is high and often requires more than a typical year of their parent’s salary.
Those who start on this pathway tend to stay on this route. The Central and Western routes are like two different river systems. Those migrants moving to Libya are in one system. Finding a connection to get them to Morocco and then finding a smuggler to get them to Spain makes the process financially impossible. As such, there is a little crossover from the Central to the Western Mediterranean Route. A few may trickle across from Libya, but it is relatively rare.
Those on the Western Mediterranean Route who already live in coastal regions of West Africa have an advantage... and have a greater incentive to make the WMR their route of choice. They typically come from a higher economic bracket and have more connections in their desired places of destination. They generally originate from larger urban contexts. They also tend to have more experience with migration, having relocated several times in their search for a job in West Africa. Many can secure visas for Morocco, either as tourists, students, or even laborers. As such, they can travel legally to those locations where they can literally see Spain across the Mediterranean.
But, the cost of migration towards Morocco and Spain can be high, both financially and physically. Nearly all make the journey knowing the dangers, but for reasons to be explored later, they still take the risk. Some will be successful, but unfortunately, many leave and are never heard from again. Some simply disappear in shame, hiding their failure from their families. Others, far too many, will perish along the way.
Conclusion
As we noted above, the WMR demographics differ from those of the CMR. There is one, in particular, that is often overlooked. Due to colonial influence, much of coastal West Africa has a strong Christian presence. This is particularly true in countries such as Liberia, Ghana, Nigeria, and Cameroon. In recent decades, Christianity has also become established in traditionally Islamic countries like Côte d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone, and Senegal. This means a larger mix of believers are among the migrants making their way north. Many are planting churches in places of transition; most are influencing their Muslim traveling companions.
As we will see in our next post, legal migration to Morocco is very common. Her universities are open to students, her markets are ready for tourists, and trade is encouraged among sub-Saharan Africans. With the proper finances, getting to Morocco is relatively easy. As the psalmist suggests, some will make it to Europe, find success, and return home with the fruits of their labors. Others will try, only to fail. We will hear some of their stories in the days ahead.
1Hein de Haas, Irregular Migration from West Africa to the Maghreb and the European Union: An Overview of Recent Trends (Geneva: International Organization for Migration, 2008).
2 "Principle Three: No One Moves Alone – Local Networks", M2M3 https://m2m3.org/18-principle-three-no-one-moves-alone-local-networks/ (accessed December 7, 2022).
3M. Augustus Hamilton, “Analysis of the Dynamic Relationship between Globalization and the Transmission of the Gospel: A Case Study of Soninke Transmigrants in Africa and Europe” (Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2017), 166.
4Hubert Ouedraogo, Donata Gnisci, and Léonidas Hitimana, Land Reform Processes in West Africa: A Review (Club du Sahel et de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, 2006).https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/events/other/workshop/2015/docs/Workshop2015_CotedIvoire_Migration_Fact_Sheet.pdf
5Alexandre Devillard, Alessia Bacchi, and Marion Noack, A Survey on Migration Policies in West Africa (Vienna: International Centre for Migration Policy Development, 2015), 132.
6Nohoua Traoré and Gertrude Torvikey, "Migrants in the Plantation Economy in Côte D’ivoire: A Historical Perspective," in Migration in West Africa, ed. Joseph Teye (Cham, Switzerland: Springer, 2022), 190.
7 "The Central Route: The Historical Context of the Maghreb", M2M3 https://m2m3.org/27-the-central-route-the-historical-context-of-the-maghreb/27 (accessed September 24, 2022).
8 "The Horrors of Libya", M2M3 https://m2m3.org/32-the-horrors-of-libya/ (accessed December 7, 2022).
9 A “passeur” is French for a smuggler or a ferryman.